Exit Pavel Grachev, Russian defense minister 1992-96

His master’s voice

So Pavel Grachev died today, age 64. It may be frowned on to speak ill of the dead, but I would be hard pressed to say anything positive about Grachev — “Pasha Mercedes” — the over-promoted and under-achieving defense minister of Russia 1992-96 and the man who, I would suggest, deserves perhaps the greatest share of the blame for the military’s slide into corruption, indiscipline, ineffectiveness and conceptual bankruptcy. This is, after all, a legacy with which Russia is still struggling. That’s not to say that without Grachev there would not still be problems (there would, especially as a result of the Soviet legacy), but his time in office undoubtedly worsened them. He was a fine, courageous tactical paratroop commander by most accounts, deservedly made a Hero of the Soviet Union for his exploits in Afghanistan. But his elevation to minister when Yeltsin was looking for a pliable yes-man to keep the military in check was a terrible move, for everyone concerned.

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What did today’s March of Millions mean?

The balloon’s not burst yet

On one level, today’s day of protests in Russia and especially Moscow followed a trajectory which by now is all terribly predictable. The speeches (now with added Gudkov). The rival estimates of turnout (14,000 in Moscow according to the police, maybe 100,000 by some oppositionists’ counts, but probably a maximum of a little under 25,000). The snide putdowns from the Kremlin spin-apparat (apparently Putin was too busy with important stuff like meeting Belarusian autocrat Lukashenka to follow the protests). Radical leftist Sergei Udaltsov’s arrest by the OMON (I suspect he’d be offended if he didn’t manage to get himself detained at such events). It would be easy to be blasé (I notice that it didn’t make the world news front pages of either BBC or NPR), or even to make a snap judgement that the protest movement was fizzling out.

However, my own snap judgement is that things have changed, and in some ways today’s March may signal some deeper developments:

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Russia: land of bizarre martyrs and unusual saints

Saint Gudkov: voting or blessing?

Russian Orthodoxy (not unlike the other saint-heavy brands of Christianity) has its share of unusual saints. St Ioann, who had himself buried in the ground for 30 years. St Prokopii of Ustyug, the ranting holy fool. St Nicholas the Passion-Bearer, or Tsar Nicholas II, who… well, who was a disastrously inept tsar.

However, it seems that modern Russia is eager to create its own secular equivalents. So, we have the Pussy Riot punk-rock band-happening, turned from marginal purveyors of discordant shock-rock into a trinity of philosopher-poets courtesy of a heavy-handed and neo-Inquisitorial trial and two-year sentence that even had Medvedev suggesting probation would be more appropriate.

Latest to the pantheon is Gennady Gudkov, the 11-year KGB veteran and since then successful dealer in non-state protection, stripped of his mandate to the Duma for — maybe — doing something that numerous of his colleagues do with impunity. In the process, he has been transmogrified into a self-sacrificing martyr, a saint whose years as a loyal member of the Just Russia pseudo-opposition (which for most of its life existed simply to grant legitimacy to the United Russia one-party state) has become a contemplative forty days in the wilderness — the Temptation of Gudkov — from which he emerged cleansed and focused.

I am, of course, being facetious. I have considerable respect for a man like him who, knowing he had much to lose (and also how vindictive the regime is to those it feels have broken from the pack), was still willing to make his voice heard. But considering how Gudkov can now become a symbol for a fraction of the elite who hitherto had been largely silent — the siloviki who are not necessarily at home with the hipsters and liberals but who dislike the current direction of policy from a practical, pragramatic and even nationalist perspective — his persecution and virtual beatification may prove yet another blunder. It may intimidate some people today and tomorrow, but it does nothing to reconcile them to the regime. If anything, it simply opens the cracks in the elite that little bit wider (something, I should add, I discuss in my Siloviks & Scoundrels column in the Moscow News here).

In EUROPP on the political (ab)use of the law in Russia

 

Just to note, Once again, the law in Russia is becoming a tool of political control, a commentary of mine on the use of the law and the investigatory apparatus in Russia as a tool to silence and suppress the opposition — including figures such as Gennady Gudkov — is on EUROPP, the LSE’s European Politics & Policy blog, here.

 

Bastrykin: Putin’s mini-me

Just don’t look round, Yury Yakovlevich…

I appear to be developing an unhealthy fascinating with SK chief Alexander Bastrykin of late. Nonetheless, a quote from an unnamed law-enforcement source in today’s Nezavisimaya Gazeta was too neat not to blog:

“A weak prosecutor’s office is not what Putin wants. He knows better than rely on the Russian Investigative Committee alone… No, I do not think that Alexander Bastrykin is to be fired. Sure, Bastrykin is not exactly lily-white, he makes mistakes like everybody else. And yet, there is one thing that  goes for him, something that Chaika lacks. Bastrykin is like Putin and Putin knows him with all his flaws and shortcomings. Putin understands Bastrykin.”

Quite so. (Thanks to the absolutely indispensable Johnson’s Russia List for the translation.) Ultimately, incompetence is a far lesser crime to Putin than perceived disloyalty, or at least inadequately fierce loyalty. Nurgaliev’s competence was questioned for years to no avail, but it was his efforts to maintain a balance between Putin and Medvedev that probably led to his downfall. Likewise, whether or not GenProk Yuri Chaika can be considered “Medvedev’s man” (and I think that’s stretching a point; it would be a little like a rat leaping onto a sinking ship), I suspect he is at least regarded as not wholly one of Putin’s oprichniki. On the other hand, although Bastrykin did talk the talk about the law-governed state when Medvedev was president, he has done more than enough to demonstrate his Putinista credentials since. It would, I suspect, take some truly stupendous blunders to lead to his dismissal.

Good Times for the Investigative Committee of the Russian Federation (SKRF)

The Investigations Committee (SKRF) under Alexander Bastrykin has emerged as the focus of the maximalist, hardline school of thought within the Russian elite as regards the new protest movement. It is by no means a line universally shared, but if we were wondering how well it is playing to those who finally make the decisions, it is worth looking at the provisions of a new draft law.

A solid analysis in Izvestiya outlines how the law, snappily titled “On amendments to some legislative acts of the Russian Federation in connection with improving the structure of preliminary investigation,” will:

  • Give the SK prime responsibility for investigating some 2 million crimes a year.
  • Grant the SK wider powers to investigate VIPs: judges, prosecutors, parliamentarians, even siloviki from the military, intelligence services, police, even the FSB.
  • Transfer investigators from the Ministry of Internal Affairs (MVD) and Federal Drug Control Service (FSKN) to the SK
  • See the SK expand from its present strength of 23,000 to some 60,000 investigators and staff. (As a corollary, it will have to acquire new premises, too.)
  • Increase the SK’s budget by 97.5 B rubles ($3 B).

The law has been passed from the Presidential Administration on to the government (showing the Kremlin’s support for it) and is meant to be fully in force by 1 January 2013. The MVD and FSKN will not lose all their investigators, but to rub in the current change in their fortunes, the SK will cherry-pick those it wants. The MVD will lose all its regional investigations units, while the FSKN is to lose some 5,200 staff by 2016, around 12% of its total complement.

So, the SK will acquire a particular role in deciding when criminal cases will be opened on serious charges, especially members of the opposition… and members of the elite. Obviously potential doesn’t always equal intent, but it does mean that the SK is becoming what Bastrykin appears to want to make it, the universal Kremlin enforcement, Putin’s Swiss army knife.

That said, Bastrykin ought not to be popping champagne corks quite yet. Progress in transferring investigators to the SK is moving more slowly than anticipated. In part this probably reflects a rear-guard action by the MVD and FSKN, as they hope this initiative can be foiled, delayed, diluted or reversed somewhere down the line. It is also because recent pay hikes for MVD staff mean that where once they were the badly-paid poor cousins (meaning that most people jumped at opportunities to move into more elitny and better-paid agencies like the FSB and SK), now they fear that they will actually suffer a pay cut.

Nonetheless, the SK is definitely on the rise. Combined with the recent elevation of hardline Moscow police ‘anti-extremism’ chief Timur Valiulin, then insofar as one can read anything from developments amongst the siloviki, the Kremlin seems to be preparing for a crackdown. The 15 September protests will be an interesting test case.

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