A battered cop, some marketplace raids, and what’s wrong with Russia

russia_raidIt started as a story about a cop getting mobbed in a marketplace. On July 27, a police officers were attacked by some two dozen people at Moscow’s Matveyevsky food market as they were detaining a Dagestani man who was suspected of raping a 15-year-old girl. One of them, Anton Kudryashov, sustained a severe head injury when he was struck in the brawl.

Cops, unsurprisingly, don’t take kindly to one of their own being beaten, doubly so when by ethnic minorities, triply when the attack is—as in this case—captured on video and spread across the internet. Moscow’s police launched a massive series of raids across the city, sweeping the marketplaces for illegal migrants and those suspected of involvement in other crimes. The rape suspect and the alleged cop-beater were both detained, along with more than a thousand others.

In many ways, though, it is the subsequent fallout that has been the most telling.

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Daydreaming: an Autumn surprise for Kadyrov

Putin could cut Kadyrov down to size

Putin could cut Kadyrov down to size

There is a distinct body of opinion that suggests that this autumn, Putin will have to do something dramatic–and I mean more than just bare-chestedly wrestling some new breed of furry predator–in order to reassert his political authority. In my latest column for Russia! magazine, I engage in some unashamedly unrealistic daydreaming and contemplate all the virtues in Putin turning on his Chechen warlord-satrap-PR nightmare, Ramzan Kadyrov and trying him for embezzlement and human rights abuses. I think it would be a bold and potentially-transformative act. I also think it is as likely as Medvedev launching a coup. After all, while I suggest in outline how it could be done (and if VVP wants a full operational plan, I’m sure he knows where to find me),

Even if it could be done, would it? Alas, here my daydream blows away in the chilly wind of realism. This would be a bold step and the irony is that badass action man Putin is a very cautious politician, one I cannot see making such a move. But nonetheless, this autumn may well see some bid to regain the initiative and persuade the country that the Kremlin still counts. If it is to be something more than another hamfisted PR efforts then it will have to be something bold, unexpected and meaningful. Vladimir Vladimirovich, I still humbly submit that liberating Chechnya from Kadyrov would be all three.

‘Operation Skhodka’: the Italian-led operation against Georgian gangsters in Europe

I am indebted to Antonio de Bonis, a senior analyst at the Italian Carabinieri’s ROS Special Operational Detachment, for this short and authoritative summary of Operation Skhodka, the recent and effective international blitz on Georgian gangsters in Europe.

OPERATION SKHODKA

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Update: Imprisoning Navalny: Short-Term Fears Undermine Medium-Term Logic

Just a quick and self-publicising note to the effect that my piece on the ‘logic’ of imprisoning Navalny–and the illogic of then letting him out on bail (“Just when the Kremlin looked to be moving into full-on Evil Empire mode, it wobbled”)– is now on the Russia! magazine website, right here.

There’s also some great discussion of the Navalny case in the latest Power Vertical podcast, available here (and I’ll have to assume the blame for the punny Star Wars title).

When nastiness seems to make a kind of sense…

I’ve filed a column for Russia! magazine that I hope will be up there soon, but the gist is that, however spiteful and devoid of legal rationale, there is a certain vicious logic to the Navalny sentencing. Let me just throw one paragraph up here. In the long run, Putinism is dying; in the short term, there will be a flurry of public and international dismay, but…

So it’s the medium term that is up for grabs and here, however much it distresses my liberal soul to admit it, the Kremlin was probably right to take the maximalist approach. Lenin, that arch pragmatist and, if they but realized it, perhaps the godfather of modern political technologists, understood that a basic pre-requisite for any revolution is a critical absence of will on the part of the elite. In other words, revolutionaries do not wrestle power away from the elites; they take it from the elite’s numbed fingers when it is unable or unwilling to resist. Unpleasant regimes tend not to fall so long as they stay unpleasant but also, and this is crucial, able to maintain control of the elite and the apparatus of coercion. Whatever one may say about the effect of foreign vacillation, the survival of Assad’s Syria is precisely because he has will, enough of the elite and violence on his side. It is unlikely to sustain him for ever—although as Ramzan Kadyrov proved, if you can truly grind down the public’s will to resist, then you win—but it means he has lasted longer than many dictators who tried to reform and conciliate.

Of course, what makes sense in the short- or medium-term, does not in the longer-term. The more the Kremlin piles on the pressure now, the more unpleasant and potentially explosive the endgame. In short, Putin may be buying a little more time now, for a lot more grief further down the line.

Is Khodorkovsky the patron saint of the Russian opposition?

The icon of St Mikhail of Segezha?

The icon of St Mikhail of Segezha?

Bear with me here. Free associating in the course of an interesting discussion with Brian Whitmore and Kirill Kobrin on the latest Power Vertical podcast, on Mikhail Khodorkovsky’s case as he turns 50 in Segezha Prison Colony  7 in Karelia, I described him as the “patron saint” of the opposition. Of course, he is not a patron saint in the technical sense, an intercessor to God. But it is worth dwelling for a moment on the role he plays within the Russian political–and especially opposition political–cosmology.

1. He is (or at least seems to be) the sinner redeemed. This is a powerful theme within many saints’ lives. While by no means the dirtiest of the 1990s oligarchs, he certainly did not make his fortune through wholly legal or moral means. He played by the real rules of the time, and they were murky and carnivorous ones. But then, as Brian convincingly argues in the podcast, in the 2000s he genuinely seems to have tried to clean up his own act and that of Yukos; indeed, that was one of the things which made him so dangerous to the elite. Now, he continues to articulate views that place him within the liberal wing of Russian politics, even though that probably extends his time in prison.

2. He is suffering for his views. Martyrdom is central to sanctification, and Khodorkovsky’s tale is not just a rags-to-riches-to-handcuffs tale, but his continued refusal to recant (he would, in my opinion, have been pardoned long ago had he been willing publicly to say what the Kremlin would like to hear) demonstrates the kind of moral fiber a good saint needs.

3. He stands for values, not a particular party. On one level, this means he has no direct caucus of followers, but it also means that he is a symbolic figure who could potentially (re)unite a disparate opposition. Although I hesitate to draw comparisons, figures such as Havel, Sakharov and even Mandela were powerful precisely because of their moral stature rather than organizational powerbase. Khodorkovsky is not in the same pantheon, or at least not yet, but if the current regime continues to delegitimize itself, and if none of the active opposition leaders manages to capitalize on this, then a figure such as him might become the focus for moral outrage against the system.

According to the latest Levada polls, 33% of Russians favor his early release (and given the propaganda state in which they live, that’s quite a strikingly high figure). And yet the Kremlin is probably gearing itself up for a new court case, on an even more serious charge, of being behind the murder of Nefteyugansk mayor Vladimir Petukhov in 1998. Rather than let him be released when his current prison term ends in 2014, Putin would rather see him face a third charge. Three trials in the wilderness; it certainly sounds like a saint’s hagiography…

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