The spy swap: a good deal for Moscow?

Yesterday’s fascinating and faintly-bizarre spy swap on the runway at Vienna saw the Russians swap two real spies, one possible ex-spy and a slightly naive academic who fell foul of institutional paranoia for ten professional (if not especially effective*) deep-cover intelligence operatives. Furthermore, the quick exchange saves face for Russia, forestalling what otherwise would be a long and lurid trial, drip-feeding the public with lurid and sometimes surreal tales of dead-letter drops, buried money, subsidised housing and exasperated communications from Moscow Centre about their lack of productivity.

So it looks as if in return for getting caught in an aggressive long-term, deep-penetration espionage operation against the USA, Russia is getting off very lightly. It even gets to fulminate about US plots and provocations and — as one news report already has — vaunt a “10-4 win.”

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What’s the state of Russian foreign espionage?

Still pretty healthy, it seems.

Department of Justice
Office of Public Affairs
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
Monday, June 28, 2010
Ten Alleged Secret Agents Arrested in the United States

Eight individuals were arrested Sunday for allegedly carrying out long-term, “deep-cover” assignments in the United States on behalf of the Russian Federation, the Justice Department announced today. Two additional defendants were also arrested Sunday for allegedly participating in the same Russian intelligence program within the United States.

In total, 11 defendants, including the 10 arrested, are charged in two separate criminal complaints with conspiring to act as unlawful agents of the Russian Federation within the United States. Federal law prohibits individuals from acting as agents of foreign governments within the United States without prior notification to the U.S. Attorney General. Nine of the defendants are also charged with conspiracy to commit money laundering.

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The Uzbek factor in Kyrgyzstan

I confess I am often distinctly skeptical about the analysis produced by STRATFOR (although they do have some of the prettiest graphics around), but while not agreeing with a fair amount of the piece overall, Peter Zeihan’s The Kyrgyzstan Crisis and the Russian Dilemma does make an interesting and important point about the role of Uzbekistan. Talk of the ‘Uzbek goliath’ is misleading and the suggestion that an Uzbek/Russian military showdown in likely, maybe even imminent, is I would suggest way off beam. However, shorn of some of this sensationalism it does rightly raise the issue of Tashkent’s regional ambitions. Analysis too often regards the ‘stans as (1) victims of circumstance, (2) pawns or booty in geopolitical rivalries between Moscow, Beijing and Washington or (3) eagerly selling themselves to the highest bidder — but almost always essentially on a par with one another, as if there really isn’t a great difference between them. Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, in their different ways, have ambitions towards regional authority that will be worth watching in the future, though. In the current crisis in Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan can fear instability on its border (especially as the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan starts to sift back into Central Asia and look for unstable, undercontrolled havens), resent the treatment of ethnic Uzbeks and see opportunities for influence all at the same time…

The Russian Navy vs Somali pirates: a useful reminder

On May 6, Russian Naval Infantry marines from the destroyer Marshal Shaposhnikov successfully stormed the Russian tanker Moscow University, which had been hijacked by Somali pirates. After a 22-minute operation, the crew (who had barricaded themselves in the engine room) were freed unharmed, one pirate was dead and the other ten captured. The marines apparently suffered no casualties. Controversially, after talk of taking them back to Moscow for trial, the pirates were abandoned on the high seas in one of their boats, stripped of weapons and navigation equipment. They have since disappeared, presumed dead, 300 nautical miles from the shore.

On one level, this is a rare bit of good news in the ongoing struggle against the unpredictable, uncoordinated but undeniably effective pirates of the Somali coast. Given the risks and costs in arming or escorting the vast numbers of ships passing through the waters at risk, such operations at least offer the prospect of some deterrent effect. However, the operation is also noteworthy as a reminder of what it says more generally about Russian forces and approaches: (more…)

First thoughts on 29 March 2010 Moscow metro bombings

With 37 dead from blasts in the Lubyanka and Park Kultury metro stations this morning, apparently from two female suicide bombers, it is still too soon to say anything authoritative or definitive about the tragedy. Inevitably — and I’m sure correctly — this has been linked with the North Caucasus insurgencies and, combined with the November 2009 Nevsky Express train bombings, it suggests a return to terrorist attacks outside the troubled region itself. This may be true, and it would certainly meet self-styled ‘Emir of the North Caucasus’ Doku Umarov’s assertion that “Blood will no longer be limited to our cities and towns. The war is coming to their [Russians’] cities.” However, a key question will be where these attacks originated. Although Chechnya is hardly pacified, Kadyrov’s brutal methods have managed to shatter the rebel movement. Instead, the main focus of terrorist insurgency has shifted to other North Caucasus republics, most notably Daghestan and Ingushetia. However, the movements there are more nationalist than jihadist, Islamist to be sure but not the particularly virulent form that tends also to be associated with suicide attacks on purely civilian targets (indeed, if anything they have recently sharpened their focus on those they deem enemy combatants: police, soldiers and government officials). If these bombers prove not to have been Chechens or inspired and supported by the remaining Salafist jihadist elements within Chechnya, then this might be a worrying sign of a radicalisation of the other North Caucasus insurgent movements.

Russia’s new military doctrine: not so much revised as concentrated

On 5 February, President Medvedev signed into law the long-awaited (in other words, overdue) new military doctrine document. I don’t propose at this point to post much about it, not least as there have already been excellent immediate-response analyses from Dmitry Gorenburg and the anonymous author of the Russian Defense Policy blog. My overwhelming sense is that the 2010 document is fundamentally very close to its 2000 predecessor, albeit a lot more tightly written. Much the same can be said about the doctrine itself. It does not so much change the fundamentals of the previous doctrine as distill them. More to the point, it seems to represent on the one hand a grudging retreat from claims to a truly global status (long overdue) but on the other a much sharper and arguably more aggressive assertion of its regional power status and, indeed, its claims to hegemony in post-Soviet Eurasia. So, NATO is no longer the enemy — but NATO expansion into the ‘Near Abroad’ and even the penetration of its influence there is listed as the greatest military danger (which is different from a threat) to Russia. Likewise, attempts to ‘destabilise states and regions’ near Russia — presumably we’re back to the bugbear of nefarious Westerners engineering pro-democracy movements in Eurasia — are explicitly listed as a danger. Maybe Moscow has come to realise the wisdom of Frederick the Great’s dictum, that if you try to hold everything, you hold nothing. In the future, me may see less global grandstanding (Moscow’s tougher line on Iran’s nuclear policy could prove encouraging) but this is not going to reflect any more conciliatory line so much as a greater concentration of effort on both securing Eurasian hegemony and ejecting foreign influence from the region, something unlikely to be a great comfort to its neighbours.

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