Medvedev’s Police Purge (1): the Ministers

It certainly looks as if Medvedev’s cull of the police is moving apace. The plan under the new Law on the Police was to cut the MVD’s force by 22% and bring it down to a strength of of 1,106,472. As of 1 August, he was able to announce that 183,000 officers had been dismissed and 48,000 more were soon to be cut, for a total reduction of 231,000 or around 17%.

Not bad, but these figures pale into insignificance in comparison with the losses at the top of the command structure. (more…)

Sergei Kudeneyev takes over as Moscow chief prosecutor

The position of chief prosecutor is meant to rotate every five years and thus it is unsurprising that Yuri Semin (Syomin), who was appointed in 2006, has stood down and is being replaced. I find it hard to regret Semin’s departure (I’d only call him a heavyweight tongue-in-cheek), who did little to prevent his office being politicized in terms of the cases brought to court and, arguably at least as important, the cases which were not, and, I felt, handled racial violence especially poorly. Of late, the Moscow region and city procuracies alike have also been embroiled by investigations, not least one relating to links with gambling bosses which tarnished his deputy, Alexander Kozlov who is also under investigation for an illegal privatization. Semin was presumably seen as having proven himself a safe pair of hands, though, as he has moved on to head the General Procurator’s Office’s department overseeing anti-corruption legislation – a great place to protect the Kremlin’s friends.

Although technically his candidature has to be confirmed tomorrow by the Moscow Duma, with today’s announcement of his candidacy, the choice of Sergei Kudeneev to replace him is essentially a foregone conclusion. It is quite an  interesting choice, though. (First Deputy Prosecutor Vyacheslav Rosinsky at the same time was transferred out to become deputy head of the GerProkuratura’s department for criminal prosecutions – perhaps either as a consolation prize for not getting the top spot or else because Kudeneyev wanted a clean slate.) Kudeneyev, was previously prosecutor of the Mordovian republic (this is presumably the same S V Kudeneev who wrote his 2005 thesis on ‘Pressing questions of maintenance of legality at municipal level: On the Republic Mordovia example’?) and then Orel, where he played a role in laying the foundations for the anti-corruption campaign that followed the removal of long-time regional boss Yegor Stroyev. Most recently, he headed the Prosecutor General’s Office for the Supervision of the Legality of the Execution of Criminal Penalties, which hardly sounds like an exciting position, but is a significant one and a stint at the central GenProkuratura is an essential part of the cursus honorum of a rising star. There, he proved rather more open than some of his predecessors, in February even admitting to a 6% rise in deaths in Russian prisons last year. I can’t say this with absolute surety, but I also get the sense that he was genuine in trying to extend the use of parole in non-violent crimes, too.

Orel is hardly cleansed, and I’d hesitate to identify Kudeneyev as some kind of paladin ready, willing and able to swoop in and cleanse Moscow. I’d like to think so, but we don’t yet know him well enough – and how free a hand he will have. The first indicator, though, will be what happens in the Moscow procuracy itself. That needs to be cleansed thoroughly for any wider systemic progress: watch this space.

A look back: ‘”Quiet Revolution” seeks to end legal nihilism’ (Oxford Analytica, 1 November 2010), on the Russian Law on the Police

In part as I reimmerse myself in the detail of this past year of change and not-so-change within the MVD, I thought I’d post (with permission), a piece I wrote for Oxford Analytica back in November of last year. This article was originally published in The Oxford Analytica Daily Brief:

Oxford_Analytica_RUSSIA_Quiet_revolution_seeks_to_end_legal_nihilism_tmp162

Two key constraints I identified were corruption and a lack of political will. It is still hard to be upbeat about the former – some definite grounds for guarded optimism, but it’s hard to know whether Russia is genuinely going to be able on current showing to address the engrained culture of corruption within the police. However, Medvedev is showing a little more political will than, to be honest, I expected eight months ago. Many of the current wave of dismissals are simply getting rid of the irredeemably incompetents and the politically out-of-favor, and many of the incomers are no cleaner, just smarter, better connected or simply luckier.

I’m writing another brief for OA now on the issue, though, and given that all too often in the past Russia has disappointed instead, it is a pleasant surprise to be marginally more optimistic than before.

Chechnya’s Police Bosses: Alkhanov and Alaudinov

Although most of the news accounts have understandably been about changes at the centre in Medvedev’s ‘revolution‘ in the Ministry of Internal Affairs, it is worth noting what has been happening in Chechnya, too. On 13 June 2011 Colonel Apty Alaudinov was appointed chief of the Chechen police and first deputy interior minister by President Medvedev. (By the way, it is Alaudinov, not Alayudov, as appears in some English-language reports). This follows on the heels of the reconfirmation again by executive order of Lt. Gen. (Police) Ruslan Alkhanov as Chechen Interior Minister (on 24 March). He replaced his deputy Roman Edilov, who had been acting as interim minister while Alkhanov went through the reconfirmation process.

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Random Thoughts from Moscow (1)

Having recently returned from my first trip back to Moscow for a while, it is interesting to see how much has changed and what has not. With no particular order or claims to special wisdom, here are an initial couple of thoughts…

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Voice of OMON

I’m in a ridiculous work-crunch period, so alas no time to blog about all kinds of interesting developments, from whether or not Doku Umarov is dead (probably not, alas) to the re-attestation process going on in the police (a great money-maker for those managing the process, a cynic would suggest). Let me just flag up, though, a fascinating series of opinions posted by a putative member of the OMON, Russia’s Special Designation Police Units (I wonder if they will soon become OPON?) riot police collected by Kevin Rothrock in A Good Treaty.

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