A look back: ‘”Quiet Revolution” seeks to end legal nihilism’ (Oxford Analytica, 1 November 2010), on the Russian Law on the Police

In part as I reimmerse myself in the detail of this past year of change and not-so-change within the MVD, I thought I’d post (with permission), a piece I wrote for Oxford Analytica back in November of last year. This article was originally published in The Oxford Analytica Daily Brief:

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Two key constraints I identified were corruption and a lack of political will. It is still hard to be upbeat about the former – some definite grounds for guarded optimism, but it’s hard to know whether Russia is genuinely going to be able on current showing to address the engrained culture of corruption within the police. However, Medvedev is showing a little more political will than, to be honest, I expected eight months ago. Many of the current wave of dismissals are simply getting rid of the irredeemably incompetents and the politically out-of-favor, and many of the incomers are no cleaner, just smarter, better connected or simply luckier.

I’m writing another brief for OA now on the issue, though, and given that all too often in the past Russia has disappointed instead, it is a pleasant surprise to be marginally more optimistic than before.

Russian Prison Reform: a B+ with promise but some concerns

Russia needs to incarcerate fewer of its citizens, and this is something acknowledged by the Kremlin and Justice Ministry on down. In March, Justice Minister Konovalov admitted that “people ending up in prison is not the answer” to crime. After all, prisons are expensive and unless run and resourced well – and frankly, Russia’s generally are neither – tend to do little to prevent recidivism, instead creating a marginalized, traumatized underclass that has only learnt how to do crime better. (It is no accident that one Russian prison slang term for prison is akademiya.) In Russia’s case they are also incubators for HIV and drug-resistant TB, which are then released into mainstream society with ex-prisoners. They are also incubators for violence, between inmates and by guards and suicides: in 2009, for example, 4150 prisoners died in Russia’s prisons from various causes, about 0.5% of the total (almost exactly double the USA’s figure, based on deaths in state prisons 2001-7).

In fairness, work has been done to address some of these issues. For much of the 1990s, the prison system received no more than 60% of the resources it needed just to survive, and while estimates vary, the figure is now closer to 90%, with some areas actually receiving enough of an excess to manage to build more modern facilities or upgrade existing ones. New medical treatment regimes have at least begun to slow the spread of TB according to the WHO. The culture of impunity for prison guards involved in extralegal violence has also been restricted, although while there have been prosecutions (especially if you beat a former FSB officer to death), there is still a long way to go. After all, given the overstretch facing the GUIN (Glavnoe upravlenie ispolneniya nakazaniya, Main Directorate of Administering Sentencing, but in effect Main Directorate of Corrections), prison officers often feel exposed and vulnerable, and resort to violence in part to assert their authority, a morally-reprehensible but frankly inevitable consequence. The same is true of the way that in some prisons, gangs of convicts are effectively handed de facto control of parts of prisons who then use violence and intimidation to maintain a form of order. Sometimes known as SPDs (Discipline and Enforcement Sections), this practice was formally banned at the end of 2009, but still persists in many cases. That even GUFSIN (the Federal Penitentiary Control Directorate) officers are now also sometimes being held to account, though, does suggest that change is on the way.

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Chechnya’s Police Bosses: Alkhanov and Alaudinov

Although most of the news accounts have understandably been about changes at the centre in Medvedev’s ‘revolution‘ in the Ministry of Internal Affairs, it is worth noting what has been happening in Chechnya, too. On 13 June 2011 Colonel Apty Alaudinov was appointed chief of the Chechen police and first deputy interior minister by President Medvedev. (By the way, it is Alaudinov, not Alayudov, as appears in some English-language reports). This follows on the heels of the reconfirmation again by executive order of Lt. Gen. (Police) Ruslan Alkhanov as Chechen Interior Minister (on 24 March). He replaced his deputy Roman Edilov, who had been acting as interim minister while Alkhanov went through the reconfirmation process.

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Random Thoughts from Moscow (1)

Having recently returned from my first trip back to Moscow for a while, it is interesting to see how much has changed and what has not. With no particular order or claims to special wisdom, here are an initial couple of thoughts…

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Voice of OMON

I’m in a ridiculous work-crunch period, so alas no time to blog about all kinds of interesting developments, from whether or not Doku Umarov is dead (probably not, alas) to the re-attestation process going on in the police (a great money-maker for those managing the process, a cynic would suggest). Let me just flag up, though, a fascinating series of opinions posted by a putative member of the OMON, Russia’s Special Designation Police Units (I wonder if they will soon become OPON?) riot police collected by Kevin Rothrock in A Good Treaty.

On today’s Law on the Police, in openDemocracy

Just a quick note: a I have a piece on Russia’s new Law on the Police  in the British analysis website openDemocracy addressing the question of whether it represents a meaningful piece of reform. It will be interesting to see how things look a year from now; indeed, next time I’m in Russia I’ll be interested to see if the new politsiya title will yet have replaced militsiya on uniforms and signs…

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